Opción Obrera es la sección venezolana de la CRCI (Coordinadora por la Refundación de la IV Internacional)

Propulsamos el desarrollo de una política proletaria al seno de los trabajadores tras su independencia de clase y una organización de lucha para su liberación de la explotación e instaurar El Gobierno de los Trabajadores, primer paso hacia el socialismo.

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¡LOS TRABAJADORES DEBEN TOMAR EL PODER!



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sábado, 28 de octubre de 2017

CHAVISMO AS THE LAST RESOURCE OF CAPITALISM

CHAVISMO AS THE LAST RESOURCE OF CAPITALISM

The true and fundamental achievement of chavismo

The most important thing realized by the chavismo is to have served as a restraint to the possibilities of independent ascent of the masses, in that particular chavismo was champion, managed to dismantle to the left. The creation of the PSUV played a very important role, following that goal. It still remains its master key, next to the Great Patriotic Pole to prevent an autonomous organizational possibility of the most combative sectors.

The result of all this process led by Chavez was to lull the vanguard, in the political formation changed the communist manifesto or the conception of the state by Chávez's "immortal" speech.

The chavismo as everything is unpublished, but it was not born of a cabbage and even it is indispensable to know a minimum the international context where this attempt is located, the sample is in which the oil of which we have lived, is produced for the world market, besides our consumption, and ... for "all the saints", in the Chavismo ,historically it was the case to import derivatives to be able to make our oil flow and extract it.

 On the other hand, Cuban advice has been a determining factor in the behavior of this government. About revolutions, when we go they are coming. The advice, from a bureaucracy that has been maintained to this day, is more than 50 years, less than 100 miles from the main center of the empire. Although these Cubans are the product of a social revolution, they are already in the process of capitalist restoration.

In Venezuela, from the beginning, Chavismo created and controlled a series of structures where the missions, the circles, the committees, the pioneers, the councils, the situational rooms, the co-management, were all paraphernalia of means or forms of survival, coercion and manipulation that diverted what could have arrived at what Cuba arrived by means of a revolution and an essential process in the first five of the 60s, that expropriated to the capital, the banking, the companies, the estates and also eliminated the army

Later, by intertwining with the Russian Stalinist bureaucracy, he began on the path of "peaceful coexistence" and support for nationalist movements and therefore limited in his nonrevolutionary program of Allende, the Sandinistas, the Farabundo Martí Front , which led to defeat and rise to fascism and right, today the Sandinista revolution degenerated into an apparatus led by Daniel Ortega.

Venezuela was also influenced by certain international processes

Throughout the world, the revolutionary setback was a consequence of the management of the promoters of socialism in a single country, first were the complications due to the backwardness in the means of production that could not be solved only internally but required the assistance or complementation in the world economy and "sine qua non" is possible to overcome. Socialism in a single country, is a “contradictio in terminis”, immersed as we are in a capitalist world economy

As a result, what could be avoided, fighting for world revolution, becomes inevitable with the consolidation of a bureaucracy that prevents both internal democracy, an elementary issue for revolutionary development, and support for conciliatory tendencies as a revolutionary process be given somewhere on the planet.

The bureaucracies originate as apparatuses that opt ​​for their survival, of course, agreeing with the counterrevolution, far from the path of the revolutionary struggle, their existence is antagonistic with the revolutionary advance in both the external scenarios and in their countries where they were generated.

The product of the political and organizational failure of the so-called communist parties under the orbit of the Moscow bureaucracy in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and also of the fall of the USSR due to the Stalinist bureaucracy itself, with programs reformist politicians, conciliators and finally liquidators, these battered organizations, rather apparatuses, gave way to "movement", the third way, praise to bourgeois democracy, all reheated dishes of the most stale reformism with new ad hoc proposals, led by new vanguards born of a desperate middle class, where charlatans, military, ecologists, utopians, came to supplant the so-called communists. The moves ended the cycle of the organization to move to lighter meetings. The whole program was finished to respond precisely to the concerns that these new leadership symbolized. Nothing new under the sun, but it came.

At that time in the UCV, a young and new student vanguard originated that would replace the old bureaucrats coming from the MIR and the MAS, and the PCV survived by inertia and the help of Moscow. The new group took as name, movement 80, and expressed a break with all of the above and few novel arguments. It began and developed in the late 80's and in the 90's as they graduated, they did not create anything for continuity, which gave way to the ultra-left mutating to the right to debut as a student leadership in higher education in connivance now with the teachers mafias of the old right.

It also happened in the main autonomous universities of the country, now with a vanguard directed by quasi-fascist organizations before the political passivity of the chavismo of those spaces.

At the same time, the youth of the PSUV became the new expression, victim of political clientelism like form as an expeditious way of ascending to positions within the chavista nomenclature.

 It is not a coincident  that a very good amount of that "ochentista" litter accompanies Chavez, today is the Chavismo with more lineage, of course next to the eternally saviors of the mother country , the military establishment.

In all this so-called "process", they managed to reduce the direct actions of the masses, independent mobilizations, strikes, by controlling the trends prevented many genuine struggles, diverting them to the Social Affairs Committee of the National Assembly, of a legislative assembly, governorate or mayorship "protective" of the actions of the communities.

Of course, among the details of his leadership they discarded those who did not enter the fold and frustrated some initiatives by dividing the vanguard, chasing fellows for protest, isolating them and even vetoing them by blacklists to not to accede to jobs.

In Venezuela, the chavismo with the essential help of the Cuban government, never looked for nationalistic measures that led to the progress of the country, of stable form, or that could advance, something that would radicalize the called revolutionary process, of that the government specifically did nothing different from the distribution of income in a capitalist way, to progress was necessary to plan in an integral and harmonic, which would immediately collide with the interests of financial capital, the so-called empire. All the contrary to the fact made by Cuba is its first years of revolution, without which, would not have arrived until today.

The expropriation without indemnification of the companies, large state, and of the banking, what they call private property on the means of production, was executed there in the twentieth century, nothing like the fantasies of socialism of the XXI century.

In our land, development was different, from the beginning were huge profits of private banking, nationalized companies were paid in formidable amounts, such as the Bank of Venezuela and the electricity of Caracas at the stock market price, or carrying on with liabilities like Sidor, the mixed companies of the oil belt of the Orinoco, were really reprivatizations; health and education, are still good businesses and finally what it ended up plunging the country into exchange control, favoring businessman  and traders even better than before the exchange control and who had just dismantled the incipient industry that existed.

The most advanced were the missions, parallel to the monster that is the scaffolding of the autonomous ministries and institutes, champions, of passage, of outsourcing. At the end, the missions as mere assistance without investment, was exhausted when the theta of the additional income was finished by the high prices of crude.

Key points

Chávez came to save the Venezuelan capitalist society, despite its lack of charm and approval by the traditional bourgeoisie, which had failed with its putative parties AD and Copei. In that way, very early, Chávez agreed, everyone after his particularly interest, with the advice of the Cuban government. Here is a situation of ascent of struggles of the masses before the economic deterioration, product of the exhaustion of the policy based on the Punto Fijo pact, in Cuba follow the interests of survival of the Castro bureaucracy. For both of them to have the masses in control, it serves to their needs, no respect for the workers, no democracy for the working class, not even on the trade union level, much less to rise up after an authentic workers' party.

It is important to emphasize firstly was the caracazo in the 89, and soon it was Chavez, defeated in its attempt of the 92, that was prisoner, that was abstentionist, and arrived by discard, there was no alternative by the left. He came to the presidency succeeding to the 2nd Caldera government, which five years earlier had won the elections by abandoning his party Copei, founded by him in the 1940s and based on a broad coalition called "the chiripero", where even the PCV supported, as well as right-wing parties, because AD and Copei had exhausted their domination.

Chavez began his government with the same finance minister of the previous government, and prominent figure of the status, Maritza Izaguirre, in its first two years of government, maintained the PDVSA directive, changed presidents but respecting the traditional directory, did not nationalize a kiosk, Salazar his Minister of Defense, in person was to intimidate the struggle of oil workers on the east coast of Lake Maracaibo.

Only when he was forced to touch PDVSA, a product of budgetary needs faced the traditional right and was deposed, then returned in power, he revoked returning PDVSA to his former directory that in the In the next few months, a tremendous lock-out in the oil industry, with billions of dollars as losses for the nation, was made known by all, was saved from these failures by the people and the oil proletariat respectively, it is necessary to forget that it was 89 first that 92, and finally, continued being besieged by the right coup and fascist dyes, Chavez allowed a referendum that came from a fraudulent request, the so-called flat signatures and the people saved him again. And it is necessary to remember that in the first attempt, the one of the coup, he pardoned the executioners of the town. Making an analogy with the Sandinista government, the table was served after more than 10 years of government to their enemies, to return to power, the product of a situation due to wear in power, their capitalist limitations . In the Venezuelan case, the capitalist structure has remained and even worsened since the beginning of the oil age, income after entry went and continues to go abroad.

At the electoral level, the government created an apparatus together with the support of a group of satellites, called the patriotic polo which often funds to channel the discontent of the bases with the government and its PSUV organization without leaving the chavismo and disguising it as an independent and autonomous organization of the government. PRT and the PPT, groups such as the Tupamaros, the pebble, Alexis Vive, Bravo Pueblo and many others until coming from trotkysmo-morenismo.

The imposition of elections in the old CTV, where Aristóbulo Istúriz , imposed as candidate  was defeated by Carlos Ortega , a traditional bureaucrat of the oil trade union, after which the Unete was created above, when it was overwhelmed by the struggles and the workers' leaven la “Unete”, who never had a managerial election, and creates something even more controlled, the CBST, where bureaucrats have a dual role as a representative of the workers and in turn in the management of the company, as patron.

The last one central works of mediator between the workers and the offices of the Ministry of Labor, which they do to coerce workers to belong to the CBST or not to be recognized and cared for in the labor offices.

What we have today

They turned the struggles of the workers of Sidor into requests to a military, and the most serious is that it is still insurmountable. The Corpoelec union directive is a colossal fault to the incapacity, especially if they also participated as co-management in the main directive, while it agreed to the employer, allowed, not fighting, the delay for five years of collective agreement and just impose a convention which is neither known nor fulfilled. The president of the oil and the health federation, for example, are also employers' managers of the institution hand-picked by the respective minister.

The registration of trade union organizations RNOS or the national electoral council CNE, prevent simple elections if the continuity of the union bureaucracy is endangered, to give authorization for a strike to last for more than a year, Fundimeca case, in Ipostel breaks record without discussion of collective contract for more than 21 years, after nationalized all cement factories and distribution, for more than 9 years no collective contract agreement is discussed, the general secretary of the ferrominera union is imprisoned for more than a year, as a mockery of having run a strike. Union executives of the assembly company Civetchi, are jointly imprisoned as a way to liquidate with the trade union directive, in a strike in Mitsubishi killer police two workers.

When uncomfortable, due to binational agreements, Pérez Becerra is delivered to Colombian goverment, and arrested Julian Conrado, both  related to the FARC. Other inconveniences, for denouncing corruption in PDVSA that can not be allowed, are missing: the brothers Vergel and Alcedo Mora, or for conducting a struggle of indigenous peoples are killed Sabino Romero and some of his relatives.

Different movements or councils of former guerrillas, have meetings with great success ... referred to the good food and drink, in summary for the logistics.

The awakening of the left

In this period, those who do not break and stay against the current and remain there without fainting accompanying the struggles, expressing words and independent slogans of both public and private employers, we prevent all voices are silent. Our commitment is not to allow chavismo to achieve its purpose, to annihilate the left, and when we touch the government of the right gorilla, continue the struggle and offer the only real alternative, the government of the workers. All the half-measures lead us to failure. We can not change some adjusters for other adjusters.

We continue to participate and accompany the struggles trying to clear the way, dismantling the manipulations and attacks towards the workers' movement, which has not been defeated. Let us build the workers' party, it is the hour, the discontent within the combative bases chavistas already distinguish that the PSUV is not road but the defeat

For the construction of the Party of the Workers

For a government of the Workers

José Capitán 02 01 2017

This is an article in a series  concerning the serious economic and political crisis in Venezuela, taking advantage of our decision to translate them to send to non-Spanish speaking comrades, however, we ask your cooperation, do not hesitate to send us your political comments , his contributions or corrections to the translations, we are not experts in the language of Shakespeare, nevertheless we take the risk to publish them, undoubtedly we advance, like militants by an international organization of the workers, that cannot be other than the Refoundation of the Fourth International

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